Click here for Heather Cox Richardson's April 15 Substack entry. It describes Lincoln's last evening, when he was shot to death in Ford's Theater by John Wilkes Booth.
How did Americans react after Lincoln's assassination, an attack on the American government itself?
At first, Americans wanted revenge against the men who had slain their
president. After a two-week investigation in which they questioned
hundreds of people, investigators identified ten people they believed
responsible for Lincoln’s death. Booth himself had been killed on April
26 as officers tried to take him into custody. Another conspirator had
fled the country. The other eight stood trial for seven weeks before a
military commission in May and June 1865. Four were sentenced to death
by hanging; four were imprisoned.
Remind you of anything? After the January 6 attack on Congress, when 140 Capitol policemen were injured in an attempt to prevent the certification of the 2020 election of Joe Biden as president -- an election in which Biden won a 7 million majority of the popular vote -- the condemnation of Trump and the rioters was pretty much universal, just like the reaction to Lincoln's death. But what happened next?
But while Americans mourned Lincoln, the new president, Andrew
Johnson, restored the political power of Confederates. On May 28, he
issued a blanket pardon for most former Confederates except certain
leaders and wealthy southern planters. Those he said could apply to him
directly for a presidential pardon, which he promised would be
“liberally extended.” They were. By December 1865 he had pardoned all
but about 1,500 former Confederate leaders.
At the same time,
Johnson either looked the other way or cheered as southern state
legislatures passed Black Codes, laws that worked to push Black
Americans back into subservience. Congress had adjourned in March 1865,
the day of Lincoln’s second inauguration, and Johnson refused to call it
back into emergency session after Lincoln’s death. When it convened in
December, Johnson told the congressmen that Reconstruction was over.
Northern congressmen simply had to seat newly elected southern
congressmen—some of whom had led the Confederacy less than a year
before—to end the unpleasantness of the war years.
As it turned out, the views of the Confederate leaders were not repudiated; rather, their treason was largely swept under the rug, supposedly in the interest of reconciliation and healing.
By the 1870s, after the establishment of the Department of Justice
meant that discrimination based on race could result in federal charges,
former Confederates switched their rhetoric from race to economics.
Because most Black men were impoverished, their votes for roads and
schools and hospitals translated into tax levies on white men with
property. Former Confederates argued that Black voting was just a
redistribution of wealth from white taxpayers to Black Americans, a form
of socialism.
That rhetoric appealed to northern Americans who
worried about immigrants voting in cities. Increasingly, they listened
as former Confederates began to argue that their fight had not been to
spread human enslavement—despite their many declarations saying exactly
that—but to preserve individualism from a grasping federal government.
By
the 1890s, towns not only across the South but also in the North and
West were putting up statues of Confederate soldiers as symbols of true
America.
FDR's New Deal programs were universally popular in an economically devastated South. But racist ideas were kick-started back to the mainstream when Truman ordered the integration of the U.S. military in 1948, and were juiced further in 1954 with a unanimous Supreme Court ruling in Brown vs. Board of Education.
The idea that those embracing the iconography of the Confederacy were
simply defending individual liberty against an overreaching government
became an article of faith among the radical right, especially as the
Republican Party complained that the taxes necessary to run a modern
government that included everyone were promoting socialism.
In 2009, Elmer Rhodes started the "Oath Keepers," which HCR describes as "a right-wing gang." They joined the Proud boys in planning and executing the January 6 attack on the Capitol. Rhodes was convicted of seditions conspiracy; "Juries found at least a dozen other Oath Keepers guilty of seditious conspiracy or other serious crimes."
As soon as he retook office in 2025, Trump issued a sweeping pardon
to the participants in the January 6 attack who had been convicted of
crimes, including the crimes of using a deadly weapon and causing
serious bodily injury to an officer, removing accountability for their
attempt to overturn the nation’s democratic process and releasing them
back into the streets. At the time, he commuted the sentence of fourteen
of the leading Oath Keepers and Proud Boys, ending prison sentences
that had been as long as 22 years.
Because he did not pardon those
leaders, but commuted their sentences, their cases continued to work
their way through the appeals court. Yesterday the Department of Justice
moved to wipe out the seditious conspiracy convictions altogether. “The
United States has determined in its prosecutorial discretion that
dismissal of this criminal case is in the interests of justice,”
Assistant U.S. Attorney Daniel Lenerz of the U.S. Attorney’s Office in
Washington, D.C., wrote.
Like Andrew Johnson in 1865, Trump whitewashed the behavior of insurrectionists. (A big difference between the two: Unlike Trump, Johnson did not actually take part in the traitorous plot.)